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Behind The Backlash In Opposition To Bud Lights Transgender Influencer The Brand New York Times

In the postwar years, many of those ladies labored in gijichon, or “camp towns,” constructed round American military bases. South Koreans began to pay more consideration to the problem of sexual exploitation in camp towns after a woman named Yun Geum-i was brutally sexually assaulted and viciously murdered by an American soldier in 1992. The ladies described how they have been gathered for month-to-month courses the place South Korean officials praised them as “dollar-earning patriots” while U.S. officers urged them to keep away from sexually transmitted illnesses. The ladies had to be tested twice every week; those testing constructive were detained for medical remedy. She recalled how officials once urged the ladies, lots of them illiterate like her, to earn dollars, promising them free residences of their old age if they might promote their our bodies for cash on the camp towns. A South Korean newspaper at the time called such girls an “unlawful, cancer-like, needed evil.” But “these consolation girls are additionally frontline warriors in successful dollars,” it said.

Behind the backlash towards bud light’s transgender influencer

When a sociologist, Kim Gwi-ok, began reporting on wartime comfort ladies for the South Korean army in the early 2000s, citing paperwork from the South Korean Army, the federal government had the documents sealed. Last September, a hundred such ladies won a landmark victory when the South Korean Supreme Court ordered compensation for the sexual trauma they endured. It discovered the government responsible of “justifying and encouraging” prostitution in camp cities to help South Korea keep its army alliance with the United States and earn American dollars.

The euphemism “consolation women” usually describes Korean and different Asian ladies compelled into sexual slavery by the Japanese during World War II. But the sexual exploitation of one other group of ladies continued in South Korea long after Japan’s colonial rule resulted in 1945 — and it was facilitated by their very own authorities. South Korea has never come to terms with the story of its camp city ladies, partially due to the steadfast alliance between Seoul and Washington.

Boycotts bring blended results, and it’s unclear what critics were looking for.

In 1961, Gyeonggi Province, the populous space surrounding Seoul, considered it “pressing to prepare mass facilities for comfort girls to offer consolation for U.N. Troops or enhance their morale,” based on paperwork submitted to the court as proof. The native authorities gave permits to non-public clubs to recruit such girls to “save finances and earn overseas currency.” It estimated the number of comfort girls in its jurisdiction at 10,000 and rising, catering to 50,000 American troops. There had been “particular consolation ladies units” for South Korean soldiers, and “consolation stations” for American-led U.N.

“They feared that Japan’s right wing would use it to assist whitewash its own comfort girls history,” said Ms. Kim, referring to historical feuds between Seoul and Tokyo over sexual slavery. It also blamed the federal government for the “systematic and violent” way it detained the ladies and forced them to obtain remedy for sexually transmitted ailments. Choe Sang-Hun examined unsealed authorities paperwork and interviewed six women who labored in camp towns around American navy bases in South Korea for this text. In 1973, when U.S. navy and South Korean officers met to discuss issues in camp cities, a U.S. Army officer mentioned that the Army coverage on prostitution was “whole suppression,” but “this isn’t being carried out in Korea,” in accordance with declassified U.S. military paperwork. In interviews with The New York Times, six former South Korean camp town ladies described how their authorities used them for political and economic gain earlier than abandoning them.

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